Memoirs Of a File At Petroleum Ministry

Being a cog in the so called steel frame of Indian bureaucracy, it is difficult to spot me (only a trained babu/chaprasi eyes can do that) as I sit among those faceless heaps of files dotting the cupboards of Shastri Bhawan. The life cycle of my counterparts in other ministries is no different - spend long years in shelves, gather dust, get nibbled by silverfish and then get hawked off to kabadi wallahs. From there end up as wrapper for bhel puris and peanuts and then get trashed or litter around aimlessly.

For us labels like 'confidential' or 'top secret' is as coveted as green card for Aam Aadmi. That stamp is a game changer, suddenly we become worth our weight in gold. While some officials (probably the guys who wrote it) go to any length to keep us away from the prying hands, for most others (ranging from lowly chaprasi to gazetted officers) it’s an opportunity to fatten wallets by finding the highest bidder. And the list of seekers is long -  corporate lobbyists, PR firms, journalists, spies...

Opening the gates for private players to explore the country's hydrocarbon reserves in 1999 ushered in the tailwinds of crony capitalism into our ministry. Soon the babus began aligning with one corporate house or other and the corridors got overrun by  lobbyists. They not only moved heaven and earth to swing deals in favour of their clients, but even began to influence some top postings in the ministry. However the sanctimonious stand taken by our successive governments towards lobbying ensured that it remained a thriving industry, but with under the table dealings.

The modus operandi for pinching files vary, but in most cases it involves the connivance of an insider. For a short period these files disappear and return after undergoing a 'scan' at a friendly neighbourhood photocopying outlet. These activities intensify when crucial moments such as calling of bids for oil fields or if Finance Ministry seeks inputs for Union Budget.

They say every man has his price, hence the favours doled out also vary. It may range from very predictable and mundane as few wads of currency notes or an all expenses paid holiday to something more rarefied as offer for top posts in the ministry with a quid pro quo to act as per the bidding of 'sponsors'.

The procurers have their own axes to grind - for lobbyists and PR firms it's to keep their clients ahead of their competitors, get a wind of any adverse action being contemplated by the government or do firefighting for their clients. For journalists it’s to whet their eternal quest for exclusives to be on the safe zone during performance appraisals.

For spies it could something far more lethal ranging from one time sabotage to endangering our long term energy security altogether.

Lastly as a poet said 'Paths of glory lead but to the grave', so even for an elite 'confidential' file a time comes to call it a day, when it outlives its utility. However it goes to shredders, instead of kabadis. Sometimes it even meets with untimely end due to fire accidents, often caused by not so natural causes.

(A work of an imagination riddled with silver fish nibbling)

Also Read: Bangalore Beat

J Dey whodunnit

The investigation into the sensational killing of crime reporter J Dey is throwing up very unusual suspects and bizarre revelations. It all happened on a rainy afternoon in Mumbai about six months back, but even now the picture is hazy and grainy.

After that fateful afternoon, the journalistic community took to streets and as the person killed was a high-profile (though intensely secretive) reporter, the police went into a huddle.

The needle of suspicion first swung towards Additional Commissioner of Police Anil Mahabole. He was alleged to have links with Dawood gang and had filed a defamation case against Dey for a report that put him in poor light. Mahabole too was accused of threatening Dey's colleague Tarakant Dwivedi alias Akela, who was booked under Official Secrets Act for reporting on poor storage of arms in CST armoury. The ACP was questioned and then let off.

Oil mafia link: The next in line was the oil mafia link. In the backdrop of the gruesome burning of deputy collector Yashwant Sonawane in Jalgaon, it was presumed probably Dey was on the verge of exposing something big against the mafia. He had written about them in the past. The diesel mafia kingpin Mohammed Ali was questioned but somehow the trail ran cold. Or at least we did not hear much about it.

D Company: The darling of the ISI was the next to come under scanner. Three members of his right hand man Chotta Shakeel are arrested by police. We had this bizarre spectacle of Shakeel calling up newspaper offices and TV stations saying he did not kill Dey! And his gang does not believe in killing 'innocent' persons.

In fact he even reveals that a Mumbai police officer has sought his help to detect the culprits. Probably like Lalu Yadav and the dabbawalas of Mumbai, he too should take up lecturing IIM students on topics such as media management and image building - the underworld way. Or maybe if the IIMs are not keen he can approach those who dare to think beyond IIMs!

Chotta Rajan: Ultimately the spotlight fell on the other elusive but 'patriotic' don. After nearly a fortnight of wild goose chase the Mumbai police finally claimed it has 'cracked' the case and it was indeed Rajan who had ordered the hit on Dey.

Seven alleged shooters belonging to the gang were arrested from different part of the country. It seems these guys had no idea whom they were knocking down and came to know only through subsequent TV coverage.

But the question was who gave him the 'supari'? There were no easy answers as the long arm of law proved woefully short in this case. However, after further investigation police came to the conclusion that Rajan himself had ordered killing of Dey and even 'regrets' doing so.
Jigna Vora: By this time the story had become cold and started languishing in inside pages of newspapers and rare mention in TV. Around early November the story was getting resuscitated by innuendos of a scribe having incited the don against Dey.

But when the police revealed that it was Jigna Vora, Deputy Chief Reporter at Asian Age, the media community was stunned. It is indeed bizarre to think that a professional rivalry would end up with cold-blooded murder. Her contradictory statements to police seem to be pushing her further into deep waters. After Radia tapes this happens to be a new low for the fourth estate.

Intriguing Dey: It is indeed intriguing to know about the kind of privacy Dey used to maintain in his office. Many of his colleagues came to know of his wife's identity or the location of his house after his murder.

On one hand he is seen as an upright crime reporter exposing people in high places; there are also reports of his closeness to Chotta Rajan gang. The proximity of crime reporters in Mumbai to the mafia adds a new disturbing dimension to the gangland power politics. The underworld's link with politicians and police is already a well documented fact.

As the investigations progress it remains to be see as to how much of these evidences will stand the litmus test of judicial scrutiny.